Smith appears to make some questionable assumptions in offering the theory of the invisible hand.  The following passage encapsulates the problem:

Every individual is continually exerting himself to find out the most advantageous employment for whatever capital he can command. It is his own advantage, indeed, and not that of the society, which he has in view. But the study of his own advantage naturally, or rather necessarily, leads him to prefer that employment which is most advantageous to the society. (IV.2.4)

It is unclear that every individual actually strives for the most efficacious “employment” of his capital, even granting that the measure of efficacy is not necessarily objective, and could be based on an individual’s subjective assessment.  A relevant and unavoidable issue in this regard is the asymmetry of information that results in the potential discrepancy between subjective evaluation and the objective reality.  As Hahn puts it, “agents on one side of the market have information which is superior to that possessed by agents on the other” (7).  But this level of analysis is already assumes one step more than it is necessary; in fact, there seems to be nothing that would prevent one from engaging in a transaction that is “detrimental” insofar as it fails to maximize profit—a simple act of charity, for example.  Of course, one could convincingly argue that charity might merely be a prelude or a tactic to secure greater future gains, but this is certainly not the only modality through which charity can manifest itself.

Assuming, however, that individuals are nonetheless predominately motivated by the particular configuration of self-interest that Smith has in mind, it is unclear whether the “society” to which advantage accrues is necessarily the immediate and “entire” society to which the individual belongs.  It seems quite plausible that the benefits thus obtained might be concentrated in very few hands within a society.  Do these beneficiaries represent the interests of society in general?  Smith clearly privileges the total sum of “benefits,” but in this case there seems to be some ambiguity in the meaning of “benefit,” especially when some elements within society may actually experience substantial “losses” in the process.

Lastly, what is the main thrust behind invoking the putatively collective interests of society?  Is it to justify action based primarily on self-interest?  It is a strange moment when Smith writes, “I have never known much good done by those who affected to trade for the public good” (IV.2.9).  If Smith is right that society receives the greatest benefit even when every individual works to advance his own advantage, and if such a theory informs this egocentric modality, it seems that maximizing the public good is precisely the goal—why must it be hidden?

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Is interesting to consider whether the “dominant protective association” is a state(Nozick 22-25).  Nozick suggests that is does constitute a state when he says it only “appears that the dominant protective agency in a territory not only lacks the requisite monopoly over the use of force, but also fails to provide protection for all in its territory” (25).  One might raise some questions at this point.  Does the definition of the state also imply or specify that it must be a moral or legitimate entity?   In practice, it is clear that states can and do engage in activities both immoral and illegitimate.  Such a question is partly in response to Nozick’s emphasis that “[we] have discharged our task of explaining how a state would arise from a state of nature without anyone’s rights being violated.  The moral objections of the individualist anarchist to the minimal state are overcome” (114).  Additionally, the question is a prelude to what is perhaps a more important question: can the state be positively identified as a centralized or limited entity?

In practice, many functions which might otherwise belong to the state are in fact outsourced to private parties.  As such, how is the scope of the state to be defined? Indeed, the idea that a dominant protective agency can provide certain functions which qualify as state functions suggests that a state might actually be coterminous with its effects.  Given that Nozick positions or attempts to legitimize the state in opposition to a condition of anarchy, it seems that he must limit the scope of the state to certain positive embodiment of its functions.  Yet, this seems to discount the role of the state in enabling and sanctioning various functions within it’s boundaries.  If these functions are an extension of what might otherwise have been direct state function, it would seem that this entire network should be interpreted as one large and complex state apparatus.

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